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La scène politique sénégalaise est parfois marquée par des actes de violences qui finissent par poser la question de la liberté d’expression et des opinions, mais également la question du vivre-ensemble dans le cadre d’un engagement citoyen serein. Ces violences entravent un débat public sain et productif au point de représenter une réelle menace pour le système démocratique. Une situation qui interpelle l’Etat, les acteurs politiques et la société civile sur la nécessité de travailler dans le sens d’une pacification de l’espace politique surtout depuis les émeutes violentes qu’a récemment connues le Sénégal. Des initiatives nationales allant dans ce sens ont été portées par le Cadre Unitaire de l’Islam au Sénégal, le clergé catholique mais aussi les légitimités religieuses et traditionnelles en amont des dernières élections locales. Après Mbour et Tambacounda, Timbuktu Institute en partenariat avec la Fondation Konrad Adenauer vient d’organiser de nouvelles sessions de dialogue dans la région de Sédhiou, au sud du Sénégal, ce 9 novembre 2022.
« Nécessité de pacifier l’espace politique sénégalais »
Pour le Timbuktu Institute, cette initiative répond à la nécessité de pacification de l’espace publique avec un programme d’actions à multiples composantes pour, à la fois, mener la réflexion stratégique permettant une anticipation sur les risques de violences politiques et l’identification des acteurs pertinents et de leviers, à même d’atteindre l’objectif de non-violence dans l’espace politique.
Ce partenariat a abouti à l’initiative « Engagement citoyen et prévention de la violence politique » qui comporte une recherche-action et des Sessions de dialogue multi acteurs impliquant les femmes et les jeunes des partis politiques, les acteurs de la société civile, les représentants des forces de sécurité et les leaders religieux de toutes confessions.
Une initiative chaleureusement accueillie par les acteurs locaux et les autorités
Les autorités étatiques de même que le Commissaire central de Sédhiou, religieuses dont le Curé et l’Imam de Sédhiou et coutumières de Sédhiou, le Conseil communal de la jeunesse de Sédhiou, les jeunes et les femmes des partis politiques, étaient représentés ; ce qui a valu des débats très interactifs et dans le respect des opinions de chacun.
Au sortir de cette journée de dialogue, tous les participants ont formulé des recommandations et se sont engagés à perpétuer de telles initiatives à travers « la Déclaration de Sédhiou ». Par cette dernière, l’ensemble des acteurs et participants qui sont de véritables relais communautaires, se sont engagés à œuvrer dans le cadre d’initiatives concertées à la prévention et à la lutte contre la violence politique sous toutes ses formes.
Source : Le Soleil
03/11/2022
Avec le 31e Sommet de la Ligue des Etats arabes qui s'est tenu les 1er et 2 novembre à Alger, Dr Bakary Sambe, Directeur du Timbuktu Institute, expert des réseaux transnationaux et spécialiste et observateur averti des relations arabo-africaines, est revenu sur cette organisation. Pour lui, avec l'invitation du Président Macky Sall par la Ligue arabe, on est en train d'assister à un simple retour de l'histoire du Sénégal à sa place et à son leadership historique.
Alger a accueilli, les 1er et 2 novembre, le 31eSommet de la Ligue des États arabes. Le Chef de l'Etat Macky Sall, Président en exercice de l'Union africaine, a été invité à cette rencontre par son homologue algérien, Abdelmadjid Tebboune. Interrogé par “Le Soleil” sur la signification de cette invitation, Dr. Bakary Sambe, Directeur du Timbuktu Institute, expert des réseaux transnationaux et spécialiste et observateur averti des relations arabo-africaines, explique qu'avec la participation sénégalaise à cette rencontre, « on est en train d'assister à un simple retour de l'histoire et du Sénégal à sa place et à son leadership historique ».
Avec ce retour du Sénégal et de l'UA au sommet de la Ligue arabe, Bakary Sambe est d'avis que les choses reviennent à la normale parce qu'en plein cycle de sécheresse au Sahel, alors que les partenaires européens classiques étaient frappés par le choc pétrolier, les pays arabes avaient décidé, au cours du sixième sommet des Chefs d'Etats arabes tenu à Alger (26 au 28 novembre 1973), d'apporter une aide à l'Afrique subsaharienne. Il a mentionné aussi la création de la Badea, du Fonds arabe spécial d'aide à l'Afrique (Fasaa) sans oublier le fait que le conseil de la Ligue arabe de Tunis avait approuvé le principe de la création d'un Fonds arabe d'assistance technique à l'Afrique (Fataa).
Bakary Sambe qui a consacré sa thèse de doctorat et quelques ouvrages dont «Islam et diplomatie» (2011), « Contestations islamisées : Le Sénégal entre diplomatie d'influence et islam politique» (2018), aux relations diplomatiques entre le Sénégal et le monde arabe a soutenu que «ce sommet d'Alger a rendu au Sénégal la place qui, historiquement et symboliquement, lui revenait». Il y voit même un symbole parce que suite aux sommets d'Alger et de Tunis, pour la première fois, une conférence ministérielle conjointe arabo-africaine s'était tenue à Dakar du 15 au 22 avril 1976, en vue d'examiner le projet de coopération afro-arabe, son contenu, ses modalités et ses moyens d'action.
Retombées de la conférence afro-arabe de 1976 à Dakar
Dr Sambe précise que la tenue de cette conférence ministérielle afro-arabe de 1976 à Dakar fut, à l'époque, la résultante, de négociations entre le Sénégal et des pays arabes comme l'Égypte, l'Arabie Saoudite et le Koweït qui reçurent une visite historique du Président Senghor dans ce sillage. "Il ne faut pas oublier qu'à la suite de cette conférence de Dakar de 1976, il y aura le premier Sommet historique afro-arabe de mars 1977. À l'issue de ce sommet, d'importantes décisions furent prises pour augmenter l'aide publique arabe aux pays africains. Et des efforts ont été consentis par les pays arabes exportateurs de pétrole pour assister les pays africains », indique-t-il. Les surplus financiers ont contribué, à l'époque, à la réalisation de projets dans plusieurs pays africains et, notamment, au Sénégal avec la réalisation des barrages de Diama et de Manantali ainsi que le projet des industries chimiques du Sénégal (Ics).
Le Sénégal, « trait d'union entre l'Afrique et le monde arabe »
Quant au présent sommet, le spécialiste estime qu'il permettra aussi de booster la coopération entre l'Afrique et le monde arabe qui sont « anciennes ». « Les relations entre l'Afrique et le monde arabe sont historiquement et géographiquement ancrées. N'oublions pas qu'un arabe sur trois est africain et trois quarts de la superficie du monde arabe se trouve sur le continent africain. La réalité géopolitique avec les réseaux transnationaux et les enjeux sécuritaires et de migration continuent de nous rappeler que le Sahara n'a jamais été une barrière infranchissable, mais une véritable mer intérieure qui a toujours invité à passer d'un rivage à un autre », a expliqué Dr Sambe.
Le professeur Sambe renchérit qu'au moment où l'on annonce la zone de libre-échange continentale et qu'aussi bien l'Afrique que le monde arabe sont dans une dynamique inédite et irréversible de diversification de leurs partenariats, une nouvelle chance s'offre pour les deux ensembles géopolitiques complémentaires à tout point de vue.
"L'entrée en jeu d'un Sénégal présidant l'UA et en tant que trait d'union, continuum socio-historique et géographique entretenant les meilleures relations avec ses pairs africains et ses partenaires arabes, pourrait être un avantage considérable pour propulser ces rapports à leur meilleur niveau jamais atteint”, considère le Directeur du Timbuktu Institute.
Le sommet se tient autour de l'enjeu de la réunification du monde arabe et le Sénégal en tant que pays entretenant de bonnes relations avec toutes les parties peut avoir un rôle important à y jouer. « Le monde arabe, comme tous nos pays, est traversé par des contradictions et des différends qui opposent les membres de la Ligue arabe. Je fais partie de ceux qui croient que le Sénégal, entre autres leviers, premier pays ayant accueilli un sommet de l'Organisation de la conférence islamique (Oci) en Afrique sub-saharienne, pourrait avoir un rôle déterminant dans le raffermissement de ces relations. Notre pays est l'un des rares du monde musulman à pouvoir parler à tous les autres ; c'est d'ailleurs cette posture qui a facilité la présence du Sénégal unanimement acceptée à ce sommet », dit l'observateur du monde arabe.
Retour du non-alignement ?
Dr Bakary Sambe voit dans la redynamisation de la coopération entre l'Afrique et le monde arabe la relance du non-alignement dans un monde où la division est exacerbée par le conflit entre la Russie et l'Ukraine. « C'est comme si l'ancien concept de non-alignement était en train d'être revitalisé et correspond parfaitement à l'esprit du tiers-mondisme des années 1950, suite à la fameuse conférence de Bandoeng à l'époque des leaders charismatiques du monde arabe et de l'Afrique comme Nasser et Nkrumah.
Aujourd'hui, c'est une Afrique nouvelle qui rencontre un monde arabe qui s'interroge au moment où la présidence sénégalaise sous l'égide de Macky Sall est en train de réussir le positionnement de l'UA, comme une réalité géopolitique affirmée priorisant les intérêts stratégiques du continent et la diversification des partenariats comme réaffirmé lors du récent Forum de Dakar sur la paix et la sécurité », a souligné Dr Bakary Sambe.
Oumar KANDE
"The Algiers summit restored Senegal to its historical and symbolic place in Arab-African relations”
With the 31st summit of the League of Arab States held on November 1 and 2 in Algiers, Dr. Bakary Sambe, Director of the Timbuktu Institute, expert in transnational networks and a specialist and informed observer of Arab-African relations, returned to this organization. For him, with the invitation of President Macky Sall by the Arab League, we are witnessing a simple return of the history of Senegal to its place and its historical leadership.
Algiers hosted the 31st Summit of the League of Arab States on November 1 and 2. The Head of State Macky Sall, current Chairman of the African Union, was invited to this meeting by his Algerian counterpart, Abdelmadjid Tebboune. When asked by "Le Soleil" about the significance of this invitation, Dr. Bakary Sambe, Director of the Timbuktu Institute, an expert on transnational networks and an informed observer of Arab-African relations, explained that with Senegal's participation in this meeting, "we are witnessing a simple return of history and Senegal to its place and its historical leadership.
With the return of Senegal and the AU to the Arab League summit, Bakary Sambe believes that things are returning to normal because in the midst of the drought cycle in the Sahel, while the traditional European partners were hit by the oil crisis, the Arab countries had decided, during the sixth summit of Arab Heads of State held in Algiers (26 to 28 November 1973), to provide assistance to sub-Saharan Africa. He also mentioned the creation of Badea, the Special Arab Fund for Aid to Africa (Fasaa) without forgetting the fact that the Council of the Arab League in Tunis had approved the principle of creating an Arab Fund for Technical Assistance to Africa (Fataa).
Bakary Sambe, who devoted his doctoral thesis and several books including "Islam and diplomacy" (2011), "Contestations islamisées : Le Sénégal entre diplomatie d'influence et islam politique" (2018), to diplomatic relations between Senegal and the Arab world argued that "this Algiers summit has returned to Senegal the place that historically and symbolically belonged to him." He even sees a symbol because following the summits of Algiers and Tunis, for the first time, a joint Arab-African ministerial conference was held in Dakar from 15 to 22 April 1976, to examine the project of Afro-Arab cooperation, its content, its modalities and its means of action.
Impact of the 1976 Afro-Arab Conference in Dakar
Dr. Sambe explains that the holding of this 1976 Afro-Arab ministerial conference in Dakar was, at the time, the result of negotiations between Senegal and Arab countries such as Egypt, Saudi Arabia and Kuwait, which received a historic visit from President Senghor in its wake. "We must not forget that following this Dakar conference of 1976, there will be the first historic Afro-Arab Summit of March 1977. At the end of this summit, important decisions were taken to increase Arab public aid to African countries. And efforts were made by Arab oil-exporting countries to assist African countries," he says. The financial surpluses contributed, at the time, to the realization of projects in several African countries and, in particular, in Senegal with the realization of the dams of Diama and Manantali as well as the project of chemical industries of Senegal (Ics).
Senegal, a “link between Africa and the Arab world”
As for this summit, the specialist believes that it will also boost cooperation between Africa and the Arab world which are "old". "The relations between Africa and the Arab world are historically and geographically rooted. Let us not forget that one in three Arabs is African and three quarters of the surface area of the Arab world is on the African continent. The geopolitical reality with transnational networks and security and migration issues continue to remind us that the Sahara has never been an impassable barrier, but a real inland sea that has always invited people to move from one shore to another," explained Dr. Sambe.
Professor Sambe added that at a time when the continental free trade area is announced and that both Africa and the Arab world are in an unprecedented and irreversible diversification of their partnerships, a new opportunity is available for the two geopolitical sets complementary in every respect.
"The entry into play of a Senegal presiding over the AU and as a hyphen, socio-historical and geographical continuum maintaining the best relations with its African peers and its Arab partners, could be a considerable advantage to propel these relations to their best level ever," considers the Director of the Timbuktu Institute.
The summit is being held around the issue of reunification of the Arab world and Senegal as a country with good relations with all parties can have an important role to play. "The Arab world, like all our countries, is riddled with contradictions and differences among the members of the Arab League. I am among those who believe that Senegal, among other levers, the first country to host a summit of the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC) in sub-Saharan Africa, could have a decisive role in strengthening these relations. Our country is one of the few in the Muslim world to be able to talk to all the others; it is this position that facilitated the presence of Senegal unanimously accepted at this summit," says the observer of the Arab world.
Return of non-alignment?
Dr. Bakary Sambe sees in the revitalization of cooperation between Africa and the Arab world the revival of non-alignment in a world where division is exacerbated by the conflict between Russia and Ukraine. "It is as if the old concept of non-alignment is being revitalized and corresponds perfectly to the spirit of Third Worldism of the 1950s, following the famous Bandoeng conference at the time of charismatic leaders of the Arab world and Africa like Nasser and Nkrumah.
Today, it is a new Africa that meets an Arab world that is questioning itself at a time when the Senegalese presidency under the aegis of Macky Sall is succeeding in positioning the AU as a geopolitical reality that prioritizes the strategic interests of the continent and the diversification of partnerships as reaffirmed at the recent Dakar Forum on Peace and Security," said Dr. Bakary Sambe.
Oumar KANDE (Translated from French)
source : Le Soleil
The subject of religion and the behavior of religious actors in the COVID-19 crisis appear at first glance to establish either just marginal issues or factors which have a tendency to to be negative. On the other hand, there is far less public discussion on the strategic role played by religious communities as civil society partners of governments or the World Health Organization, as agencies providing charitable and pastoral assistance, and as a resource for hope and emergency management so as to successfully cope with the pandemic. This study analyzed the ambivalent role of actors in the COVID-19 pandemic in Nigeria within the framework of a theory-based empirical analysis, presents the most important developments, learning effects and problem areas yet to be addressed and finally, based on this, draws up policy recommendations for action.
By Bakary Sambe
Timbuktu Institute - November 2022
Since 2016, the self-proclaimed Islamic State (IS) has been conducting a propaganda offensive targeting Southeast Asian Muslims as they recruit Indonesians, Malaysians and Filipinos to join the “war effort” in Iraq and Syria, or to carry out armed jihad in their own region. Subsequently, a joint war against IS was waged by the Coalition to Defeat ISIS (Global Coalition to Defeat IS). Despite the colossal work that remains to be done in the Middle East to demolish all the cells of the IS and Al-Qaeda. However, attention is turning to the second front in the fight against global terrorism [1] which is South-East Asia.
One of the frontiers of the next round is likely to be Southeast Asia, where Middle Eastern terrorist groups (ISIS al-Qaeda, etc.) have found common cause with separatist movements and Muslim extremist groups in the Philippines, Indonesia, Singapore and Malaysia. Certainly, terrorism in South-East Asia is not new. In 1995, Bin Laden cells in Manila plotted the assassination of President Clinton and the Pope and planned to blow up American planes on East Asian routes.
Foreign Terrorist Fighters (FTFs) within Al Qaeda and the Islamic state have been one of the major threats to peace and security in South and Southeast Asia. Indeed, before the Islamic state, Al-Qaeda had created allies around the world, particularly in Southeast Asian countries (Indonesia, Singapore, Philippines, etc.) through foreign terrorist fighters, who returned to their home countries, when the Islamic state suffered devastating military defeats, losing control of virtually all the territory it once controlled in Iraq and Syria. It is almost certain that such cells will continue to exist in another territory, carrying out the same terrorist acts and activities and violent extremism[2].
In Indonesia,
Cells affiliated with the Jamaah Ansharut Daulah (JAD) and isolated Islamic state-inspired actors continue to target police and other government targets. Although Indonesia is not a member of the Global Coalition to Defeat ISIS (Coalition to Defeat ISIS), the Indonesian government and Muslim civil society leaders have strongly and repeatedly denounced the IS and have actively promoted the importance of the CVE's efforts to complement CT's law enforcement efforts. While Indonesia's efforts to combat violent extremism have had some success, part of its Islamist community remains committed to militant jihadism. The return from abroad of hundreds of militants linked to the Islamic state means that there is now a greater need than ever for interventions to prevent radicalization - and for programmes to reintegrate militants into society.
As part of institutional cooperation in Southeast Asia, Indonesia is an active member of the Global Counter Terrorism Forum (GCTF) and co-chairs the CVE working group with Australia. The Indonesian, Malaysian and Philippine Armed Forces continued their coordinated patrols in the Sulu and Sulawesi Seas to deter and prevent kidnapping and terrorist transit in their adjacent Exclusive Economic Zones.
In the Philippines,
Terrorists continued to target civilians and security forces with booby traps and small arms, and the emergence of suicide bombings posed new challenges to Philippine security forces. Indeed, there are terrorist groups active in Indonesia and at the same time in the Philippines. EI-Philippines affiliated groups continue their efforts to recover from battlefield casualties, recruit and train new members, and organize suicide attacks and attacks. EI affiliates in the Philippines include elements of the Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG), Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Fighters (BIFF), Ansar al-Khalifa Philippines (AKP) and the Maute Group. The Philippines remained a destination for FTFs from Indonesia, the Gulf countries, etc. The Philippines remained a destination for FTFs from Indonesia, the Gulf countries, etc.
China and the Philippines
The two countries share broad common interests in non-traditional security issues, and both countries have great potential for cooperation in counter-terrorism. As a major responsible country, when the Philippines suffers terrorist attacks, China has an obligation to provide assistance.
In 2017 and 2018, China has donated three batches of weapons to the Philippines to help the country fight terrorism. According to Rodrigo Duterte, on improving his country's security, cooperation with China and the suppression of terrorism. "Only China can help us".
As for Singapore, the fight against terrorism still remains a major political priority. Singapore's national counter-terrorism apparatus and its ability to detect, deter and disrupt threats have remained effective. Singapore has been a member of the Coalition to Defeat ISIS (Coalition to Defeat ISIS) since 2014 and extended its support in 2016 beyond military means to include medical teams in Iraq. It has developed a comprehensive counter-terrorism strategy based on global and regional trends. This strategy includes vigilant security measures, regional cooperation (with countries in the South-East Asian region) in law enforcement, efforts to counter radicalization and strategies to prepare the population for possible attacks.
The very productive levels of counter-terrorism cooperation (among the countries of the region) that have developed in recent years are still continuing, as is the increased sharing of information.
South-South cooperation against terrorism
The ASEAN-CT initiative aims to enhance cooperation among law enforcement and other relevant authorities of ASEAN member States to combat, prevent and suppress terrorism, terrorist organizations and their associations, disrupt their support networks and hinder their planning of terrorist acts and bring them to justice[3]. One of the most important activities of the ASEAN-ETC programme has been the border security actions, called "Operation Sunbird", carried out in 2015 and 2016, which allowed the screening of passengers and travel documents at airports and border crossings. As a result of the enhanced border presence during Operation Sunbird II in 2016, five separate drug seizures were made at the port of Batam, Indonesia, resulting in the arrest of five people. In line with the counter-terrorism objective of the programme, the operations increased intelligence sharing among member countries in the region and beyond. One specific result was the arrest and deportation from South Korea of two Indonesian nationals suspected of having terrorist links[4].
In the context of preventing radicalization, recruitment and recidivism, ASEAN had an advantage in this fight, as almost all of its member States had considerable expertise in the area of rehabilitation and counter-propaganda. Two examples of such innovative approaches should be mentioned in particular. First, the Singapore Religious Rehabilitation Group (RRG), which actively combats the misperceptions and instrumentalization of Islam by radicals through a grassroots approach. This includes a counselling centre, a smartphone application, publications by religious scholars, conferences and community outreach events[5].
The second initiative is RDC3, the regional digital counter-messaging communication centre recently launched by Malaysia. The centre opposes IS's propaganda and particularly its misuse of the Muslim religion in cyberspace by disseminating content developed in collaboration with the Department of Islamic Development of Malaysia (JAKIM))[6]
For China, terrorism is not a new phenomenon. But it did not receive much attention before the September 11 terrorist attacks in New York, but it showed that no country, no matter how powerful, was immune to terrorism[7]. Certainly, China has a wealth of experience in the fight against terrorism as well as in advanced technologies and military equipment.
Certainly, to address these threats, the governments of Southeast Asian countries have adapted military and security, law enforcement and counter-radicalization efforts. Countries continue to cooperate with other countries in the South, such as China. At the meeting in Beijing on 7 April 2016, China and the countries of South-East Asia agreed to improve their security and counter-terrorism cooperation. In particular, by strengthening multilateral and bilateral cooperation, increasing information exchange, broadening areas of cooperation and building capacity for cooperation in the fight against terrorism, in order to establish a platform for multilateral cooperation in the field of counter-terrorism with regional characteristics to protect individuals in the region and help maintain regional security and stability. The authorities of the South-East Asian countries agreed with the Chinese authorities to commit to further strengthen information exchange and take pragmatic measures in the field of counter-terrorism with China[8]. For the ASEAN countries and China, the fight against terrorism has been and will continue to be one of the most difficult tasks in preserving their respective national security strategies.
South-East Asia faces a grim counter-terrorism situation. In recent years, there have been frequent terrorist attacks in Indonesia, Myanmar, Thailand and the Philippines, and China can cooperate more closely with the whole of ASEAN. In 2018, six ASEAN member countries launched the "Our Eyes" intelligence initiative. They have developed a common database of violent extremists. But since most ASEAN countries still lack the capacity to deal independently with terrorist attacks, China can help them by forging cooperation. China also needs the help of Southeast Asian countries, as some extremists from Xinjiang tend to migrate illegally to the Middle East via Thailand, Malaysia and Vietnam[9].
The experience of South-East Asia shows that South-South cooperation can build on the initiatives of individual countries, but above all on the opportunities to share experiences and good practices
The fact that the terrorist phenomenon is tackled by taking into account both the preventive and the counter-terrorism dimension tells us about the effectiveness of the mixed approach that has long been neglected in the Sahel.
The mutual trust that has facilitated intelligence sharing and established cooperative relations despite the many vested interests between these countries should inspire the Sahel countries. Moreover, the existence of regional and sub-regional frameworks should further promote and facilitate such a strategy.
Taking into account the regional dimension in the elaboration of strategies as well as the definition of community action frameworks seems to be an interesting avenue for West African countries at a time when foreign interventions have shown their limits. This is the price to pay for the re-credibilisation of the fight against terrorism and the adoption of alternative strategies to the all-security approach.
[1] Marguerite Borelli, "Counter Terrorist Trends and Analyses", Vol. 9, No. 9 (September 2017), pp. 14-20, in International Centre for Political Violence and Terrorism Research, available at: https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.2307/26351552
[2]Country Reports on Terrorism 2018, BUREAU OF COUNTERTERRORISM, P. 43. available at: https://www.state.gov/wp-content/uploads/2019/11/Country-Reports-on-Terrorism-2018-FINAL.pdf last visit: 23-06-2020
[3] ASEAN comprehensive plan of action on counter terrorism, Endorsed by 7th AMMTC on 17November 2009.
[5] Religious Rehabilitation Group (RRG). “About RRG.” [date unknown]. available at: https://www.rrg.sg/about-rrg/
[6]Bernama. “Malaysia’s Counter-Messaging Centre combating terrorism, radical activities, says DPM.” New Straits Times. November 8, 2016. Available at: https://www.nst.com.my/news/2016/11/186976/malaysias-counter-messaging-centre-combating-terrorism-radical-activities-says . Last visit: 02-07-2020
[7]https://www.peacepalacelibrary.nl/ebooks/files/304787639.pdf
Dakar, Senegal – The German Foundation for Africa and partners recently held a conference on strengthening democracy in Africa and the G7 Countries.
The two-day event held on September 26-27 at Germany’s Federal Foreign Office in Berlin was characterized with lively debates on the theme how to deal with the increasing systemic competition and external influence in Africa and what conclusions to draw for German foreign policy. The conference was jointly organized by German Institute for International and Security Affairs.
Representing Timbuktu Institute of Dakar at the conference, Mrs Adji Awa Samb, Timbuktu’s senior officer responsible for Cooperation and Regional projects had her take during the debate which revolved around questions like - which opportunities and risks does the increasing global systemic competition entails for Africa-Europe relations.
Responding to the question above, Mrs Adji remarked:
First of all, we must take into account a new fact: Today, the situation has changed and Africa will no longer have only a passive role. For at least three reasons: First, we are in a divided world in which the alignments are both multiple and diffuse.
Second, we are in a world where the distribution of power is very fragmented with the combined effect of classic powers that are declining, emerging powers that are rising, and a multitude of states that are claiming middle power status.
Therefore, she continued,
we can no longer see this competition as a simple competition between powers. We must take into account this situation which also gives Africa the opportunity to choose and diversify its partners.
According to her, the strong presence of China, the return of Russia, the Gulf States and also Turkey should not be overlooked.
Turning her attention to the other question: how should Germany adjust its communication policy in Africa when it comes to the activities of other external powers?, Mrs Adji highlighted some points.
The situation has really changed, we are in the configuration that allows us to talk about off-shore balancing. This is the mechanism by which the great classical powers ensure that the strategic shift of the African continent has an impact on the balance of power at the international level,
she observed.
In Africa, Germany, especially in the last Merkel years, has freed itself from European tutelage and has asserted itself as a power with its own African policy, particularly in the Sahel. It has played a major role on two levels: militarily alongside Europe, but especially in development. Germany does not suffer from the image of a colonial power in the Sahel. It can continue to emphasize partnership instead of domination,
Mrs. Adji reiterated.
Meanwhile, she went on to look at other question like - What are the implications of the changing global order for Germany's existing instruments and partnerships with African countries and regional organisations?.
Plus...
In the framework of the Timbuktu Institute's weekly column in partnership with Medi1TV, Dr. Bakary Sambe spoke at length about the place of Africa in this new Geopolitics that is taking shape, but above all about the debate on democracy as a principle brandished against autocracies in a context of new confrontation between the Western world, Russia and China. Below is the text of the full interview, where the director of the Timbuktu Institute also addresses the need to endogenize democracy as an African reality by taking into account the historical and political trajectories of African countries with examples drawn from the experiences claimed on the continent (video)
Dr. Bakary Sambe, you have just taken part in the 5th Lisbon Conference in Portugal on the theme "Towards a New World Order" and you argued that in the wake of the war in Ukraine and international rivalries, the Western bloc seems to be returning to the classics by brandishing the democratic ideal in the face of the rise of new powers. What makes you say this, and is this something new?
It's like déjà vu with the End of History theory. But this time, the reconstituted Western bloc, in its confrontation with Russia and the rising powers described as autocrats, wants to return to its classics such as democracy and the rule of law after decades full of contradictions in international practices where pragmatism around strategic interests had largely prevailed over universal principles. In the past, there was the Baule conference convened by the former French President Mitterrand, followed by the series of national conferences in the 1990s and the introduction of a multi-party system on the continent with the outcome that we know. Since then, the emergence of economic development models that have taken place in non-democratic contexts has not failed to call into question the democratic project that has long been presented, rightly or wrongly, as a panacea, especially after the harmful effects of structural adjustment policies imposed by the Bretton Woods institutions.
At the beginning of October, the Democracy Innovation Foundation was launched in Johannesburg, South Africa, for which the Timbuktu Institute conducted a survey as a continental consultation of African youth. Is this also part of this rethinking of the ideal of democracy that you often talk about?
You know, the change in the international context, with the rise of China, Iran, Turkey and other powers, has changed the agenda of Western countries, which have entered into a process of economic and strategic balancing with Beijing, and so the leverage that supported the democratisation processes has lost its strength. So this resurgence of the theme of democracy is not insignificant. After the Democracy Summit organised by the United States, the announcement of a 2.5 billion dollars fund for the promotion of democracy by Blinken, the recent launch in South Africa at the beginning of October of the Innovation for Democracy Foundation, supported by France, as well as the last meeting of young African leaders in Berlin organised by Germany in the framework of its presidency of the G7 are obviously part of this framework.
But Dr. Bakary Sambe, with political instability, coups d'état and the emergence of populism and nationalism on all sides, do you think it will be easy to succeed in meeting this challenge of democratic re-enchantment in the current context?
The main challenge of the West for the discourse on democracy is that of re-credibilisation in the eyes of African public opinion. The democratic project also needs to be endogenized so that it is perceived, not as a Western idea, but as an African reality and it will be necessary to take into account the historical and political trajectories of African countries with examples drawn from pre-colonial Africa. But to conclude, I think that the most complex and difficult challenge to take up, and which seems fundamental, remains that of recreating a healthy link by assuming a healthy, critical and continuous debate on the new South-North relations to be rethought and reconstructed.
Source : Medi1TV
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« Les Africains n’ont pas de problème avec le principe démocratique, mais c’est au niveau de sa déclinaison et de son endogénéisation que se situe le débat et s’expriment des attentes, en plus des inconséquences qui l’ont desservi à un moment où le modèle est challengé par d’autres offres dans un contexte lourd de tensions et de compétitions au plan international »
A ainsi entamé Bakary Sambe lors de la Conférence de Lisbonne 2022.
Le Directeur Régional du Timbuktu Institute a été invité à prendre part à la Conférence de Lisbonne 2022. Son intervention a ouvert le panel sur la “hiérarchie des guerres” qu’il devait partager avec d’éminentes personnalités du monde académique comme les Professeurs Paul Collier de l’Université d’Oxford, Raquel Vaz Pinto du Portuguese Institute of International Relations (IPRI) à Nova Lisbon University, Lisbon, Stella Ghervaz de Newcastle University, et Teresa Cravo de l’Université de Coimbra (Portugal). Cette conférence qui se déroule dans le contexte de la guerre en Ukraine et des interrogations sur le devenir du système international, a été fortement marquée par le débat sur les reconfigurations en cours au plan international.
Dr. Bakary Sambe est largement revenu sur la place de l’Afrique dans cette nouvelle géopolitique qui se dessine mais surtout le débat sur la démocratie en tant que principe brandi contre les autocraties dans un contexte de nouvel affrontement entre le monde occidental, la Russie et la Chine. Mais pour Bakary Sambe,
« on ne pourrait repenser la place de la démocratie, notamment en Afrique, sans regarder en face les différentes contradictions des démocraties elles-mêmes, ces dernières décennies ».
Il rappelle, à ce propos, que
« la troisième vague de la démocratie a fini de toucher le continent africain, au début des années 1990, portée à la fois par des dynamiques internes et externes ».
Il souligne que
« sur le plan interne, les difficultés économiques des années 80, les politiques d’ajustement structurel et, dans certains cas, les mobilisations citoyennes, ont contribué au problème de légitimité des régimes autoritaires et, en même temps, à une libéralisation et à des transitions avec des résultats variés ».
De ce fait, selon Sambe,
« sur le plan externe, les liens avec l’Occident et l’effet de levier que les puissances occidentales ont utilisé pour promouvoir les démocratisations, ont été un élément central du processus ».
Cependant, Bakary Sambe a tenu à rappeler que la résurgence de la thématique de la démocratie, comme principe remis à l’ordre du jour, n’est pas anodine. Après le Sommet sur la démocratie, organisé par les Etats-Unis, l’annonce d’un important fonds pour la démocratie par le Secrétaire d'Etat américain, Blinken, le récent lancement, en Afrique du Sud, début octobre, de la Fondation de l’Innovation pour la démocratie appuyé par la France, la récente réunion de jeunes leaders africains à Berlin organisée par l’Allemagne dans le cadre de sa présidence du G7, font dire à Bakary Sambe qu’
« on a l’impression que l’Occident, dans son affrontement avec la Russie et les puissances montantes qu’il qualifie d’autocrates, veut revenir à ses classiques comme la démocratie et l’Etat de droit après des décennies pleines de contradictions dans les pratiques internationales où le pragmatisme autour des intérêts stratégiques l’avait largement emporté sur les principes universels ».
De ce fait, pour le Directeur du Timbuktu Institute
« il semblerait que le changement dans le contexte international, avec la montée de la Chine, de l’Iran, de la Turquie et d’autres puissances, a changé l’agenda des pays occidentaux qui sont entrés dans un processus d’équilibrage économique et stratégique face à Pékin et, ainsi, l’effet de levier qui appuyait les processus de démocratisation a fini par perdre de sa force ».
Sur un autre plan, Bakary Sambe soutient que « la diversification des partenariats économiques a dilué l’importance du « linkage » avec l’Occident, à travers des rapports dénués de toute conditionnalité démocratique comme avec la Chine, ou reposant même sur des transferts des outils et des pratiques autoritaires dans le cas de la Turquie ».
Pour Bakary Sambe,
« il y a un énorme défi à relever, aujourd’hui pour re-booster le principe démocratique et surtout asseoir son acceptabilité universelle auprès des pays africains. Car, rappelle-t-il, depuis les efforts de démocratisation dans les années 90, beaucoup d’eau a coulé sous les ponts »
Et, poursuit-il
« l’émergence de modèles de développement économique qui se sont opérés dans des contextes non démocratiques, n’a pas manqué de remettre en question le projet démocratique qui a longtemps été présenté à tort ou à raison comme la panacée ».
En quelque sorte, pour Sambe,
« ces modèles ont d’autant plus de succès qu’ils ont semblé inspirer un certain nombre de pays qui apparaissent comme des «success stories», avec notamment le Rwanda et, dans une moindre mesure, l’Éthiopie. C’est dire que le projet démocratique a grandement besoin d’un renouveau pour le mettre hors de portée des « vents défavorables » (Diamond 2019) qui n’épargnent aucune région du monde »
A ce contexte déjà complexe, vient s’ajouter la guerre en Ukraine qui rend moins sereine la réflexion sur la démocratie en tant que principe universel. Pour Sambe, l’analyse de ce conflit a fortement pesé sur le débat. D’après lui,
« ceux qui analysent le conflit sous l’angle de la personnalité de Poutine ne prennent pas en compte la complexité du problème. Il s’agit ici d’analyser les stratégies des États dans leur volonté d’assurer leur survie. L’Occident veut jouer sur l’image d’un Poutine autocrate, alors que si les dirigeants occidentaux sont sans doute moins dominateurs envers leur peuple que Poutine, ils n’en sont pas moins aussi froids et calculateurs face à leurs intérêts ».
Cet ensemble de considérations a amené Dr. Bakary Sambe à conclure que
« le principal défi de l’Occident pour le discours sur la démocratie est celui de la re-crédibilisation aux yeux des opinions publiques africaines ».
Selon lui,
« le projet démocratique a aussi besoin d’une endogénéisation pour qu’il soit perçu, non pas comme une idée occidentale, mais comme une réalité africaine et il faudra prendre en compte les trajectoires historiques et politiques des pays africains avec des exemples tirés de l’Afrique précoloniale ».
Pour ce faire,
« il faudrait redonner la dignité d’expérience historique valorisée aux processus comme celui du royaume Ashanti, l’ancrage socioculturel de la démocratie dans les cultures et le passé africains comme l’exemple et la Révolution Torodo du royaume du Fouta Toro en 1776 avant la Révolution Française de 1789 ».
Cependant, conclura Sambe, « le défi le plus complexe et difficile à relever, et qui semble fondamental, reste celui de recréer du lien sain en assumant un débat sain, critique et continu sur les nouveaux rapports Sud-Nord à repenser et à reconstruire »