Les tensions entre éleveurs nomades arabes et cultivateurs autochtones sédentaires continuent de provoquer des affrontements meurtriers dans le sud du Tchad. Fin mars, au moins 23 personnes ont été tuées pendant sept jours de violences dans la région du Moyen-Chari. Ces heurts sont souvent déclenchés suite à des désaccords et des conflits liés au contrôle de certaines terres.

En parallèle, l'arrestation d'Ibrahim Hissein Bourma, un homme d'affaires tchadien, continue de susciter des critiques au sein de l’opinion publique. Son comité de soutien dénonce ses conditions de détention et affirme qu'il a été arrêté de manière brutale par des militaires armés. Des proches dénoncent également la détention arbitraire d'une trentaine de personnes dans sa résidence.

La polémique ont également éclaté autour de l'apparition d'affiches électorales du président de la transition avant le début officiel de la campagne électorale. L'opposition dénonçait, ainsi, une violation du Code électoral et accuse l'organe de gestion des élections d'avoir une attitude partisane en ne prenant pas de mesures contre ces affiches. Des candidats à la présidentielle critiquent également l'utilisation des moyens de l'État dans la campagne, affirmant que le président de transition bénéficie d'un avantage indu. En outre, des tensions ont surgi autour de la transparence électorale, avec une interdiction de photographier les procès-verbaux de dépouillement, suscitant des préoccupations quant à la validité du processus électoral.

La campagne électorale s’est poursuivie avec dix candidats en lice pour l'élection présidentielle du 6 mai, dont Pahimi Padacké ou encore Lydie Beassemda, seule candidate femme à l'élection présidentielle tchadienne, défendant le fédéralisme mais aussi les droits des femmes. Ingénieure en industrie agroalimentaire, elle a une expérience ministérielle et dirige le Parti pour la démocratie et l'indépendance intégrale (PDI). Les candidats présentent des programmes variés, allant de la lutte contre la corruption à la réforme du secteur de l'énergie, en passant par des promesses de restauration de la démocratie et de l'autosuffisance alimentaire. Alors que Mahamat Idriss Déby Itno mène sa campagne dans les terre de l’opposition, Succès Masra, actuel Premier ministre et candidat à la présidence, a organisé un rassemblement massif à Moundou avant de se lancer dans une campagne bien suivie même à l’intérieur du pays et surtout dans les grandes villes.

Dans ce contexte tendu, les États-Unis prévoient de retirer temporairement une partie de leurs forces du Tchad, en raison d'une demande tchadienne de cesser leurs activités sur une base aérienne, et cela se fera, d’après les autoritsé, dans le cadre d'un réexamen de la coopération sécuritaire après les élections présidentielles. 

Les élections se sont déroulées sans heurts et les résultats partiels sont scrutés de toutes parts avec des débats passionnés déjà lancés sur les réseaux sociaux et des revendications de victoire dans les grandes villes par les partisans de l’opposant Succès Masra.

In Togo, it is in a climate of high tension that citizens are called to vote to elect their deputies in a long-awaited legislative election that has been repeatedly postponed and finally rescheduled for Monday April 29. This new postponement follows President Faure Gnassingbé's request to re-examine the text aimed at amending the Constitution to move the country from a presidential to a so-called parliamentary regime, initially adopted by the assembly on March 25. With an overwhelming majority in parliament, it came as no surprise that the deputies confirmed the adoption of the text.

Henceforth, in Togo, power resides in the hands of a President of the Council of Ministers, appointed by the deputies, in charge of regalian functions. The president's term of office is six years, without specifying whether or not he or she can be reappointed. It is this point that worries the opposition, who fear that the current president, Faure Gnassingbé, could be appointed to this position, ensuring that he remains in power indefinitely. 

The day after the final adoption of the new constitution, the opposition lodged an appeal with the ECOWAS Court of Justice to demand the withdrawal of the country's new constitution, arguing that the constitutional reform "was made in the absence of prior public debate and political consensus", which, according to opponents and civil society, would undermine "democracy and good governance".

For some analysts, muzzled by bans on demonstrations, the opposition has concentrated its efforts on the run-up to the ballot scheduled for Monday 29, to raise awareness of how to vote, in order to avoid invalid ballots. According to the opposition, these legislative elections are an opportunity to "break the chains of slavery" that are shackling the Togolese people, and put an end to the Gnassingbé "dynasty".

According to the opposition, there is a flagrant lack of transparency in this election, with the authorities refusing to accredit an observer mission proposed by the Justice and Peace Commission. Even ECOWAS, which had announced an exploratory mission to interact with the main stakeholders on the latest developments in the country in a tweet, ended up modifying it the very next day, simply reclassifying the mission as "informational". It was thus in a rather confused climate that the Togolese were called to vote on Monday April 29, 2024, with the result ushering in a new political era in a country where the political scene has never been so turbulent in recent years.

Au Togo, c’est dans un climat de forte tension que les citoyens sont appelés à voter pour élire leurs députés lors d’une élection législative très attendue et maintes fois reportée pour finalement être reprogrammée le lundi 29 avril. Ce nouveau report fait suite à la demande du président Faure Gnassingbé de réexaminer le texte visant à modifier la Constitution pour faire passer le pays d’un régime présidentiel à un régime dit parlementaire initialement adopté par l’assemblée le 25 mars dernier. Avec une majorité écrasante au parlement c’est sans surprise que les députés ont confirmé l’adoption du texte.

Dorénavant, au Togo, le pouvoir réside entre les mains d’un président du Conseil des ministres, désigné par les députés, chargé des fonctions régaliennes. Son mandat est de six ans, sans qu’il soit précisé s’il sera renouvelable ou non. C’est ce point qui inquiète l’opposition qui craint que l’actuel président, Faure Gnassingbé, ne soit désigné à cette fonction, assurant son maintien au pouvoir pour une durée indéfinie. 

Au lendemain de l’adoption définitive de la nouvelle constitution, l’opposition a déposé un recours devant la Cours de justice de la CEDEAO pour réclamer le retrait de la nouvelle constitution du pays, estiment que la réforme constitutionnelle "a été faite en l'absence d'un débat public préalable et d'un consensus politique", ce qui, d’après les opposants et la société civile, porterait atteinte à "la démocratie et la bonne gouvernance".

Pour certains analystes, muselée par des interdictions de manifester l’opposition s’est concentrée sur les efforts en vue du scrutin fixé au lundi 29, pour sensibiliser sur la manière de voter, afin d’éviter les bulletins nuls. Selon cette même opposition ces législatives sont l’occasion de « rompre les chaînes de l’esclavage » qui entravent le peuple togolais et d’en finir avec la « dynastie » Gnassingbé.

Toujours, selon l’opposition, un manque flagrant de transparence plane sur cette élection avec le refus des autorités d’accréditer une mission d’observateur proposée par la commission justice et paix. Même la CEDEAO qui avait annoncé une mission exploratoirevisant à interagir avec les principales parties prenantes sur les derniers développements dans le pays dans un tweet finira par le modifier dès le lendemain requalifiant simplement la mission « d’informationnel ». C’est, ainsi, dans un climat assez confus que les togolais ont été appelés à voter le lundi 29 avril 2024 avec le résultat qui ouvre une nouvelle ère politique dans ce pays où la scène politique n’a jamais été aussi mouvementée ces dernières années.

According to the regional director of the Timbuktu Institute, at a seminar on Tuesday on "the consequences of disinformation in the Sahel", Senegal, which is also a victim of this scourge, particularly during election periods, must pay attention and develop mechanisms to eradicate it.

"Our country needs to be vigilant about the development of platforms, but also about the control of information. What's more, it needs to show resilience in the face of misinformation and its consequences for young people, who are more connected than ever. We are consumers of information, but we are also transmitters of information".

he recalls.

Source : www.dakaractu.com

In Africa, and more particularly in the Sahel, election periods are times of general tension and tension, and in a context of disinformation, the risks are heightened. This was the theme of a seminar organized by the Timbuktu Institute in partnership with Meta, on February 27 in Dakar, on "The stakes of disinformation and the challenges of social cohesion and democracy in the Sahel". Moderated by CESTI Director Mamadou Ndiaye, the discussions highlighted the threats to stability posed by misinformation, and stressed the need to promote fact-checking and media education. In short, greater responsibility on the part of the media and citizens, who are becoming both consumers and producers of information in the age of social networks.

The sub-region is experiencing a "paradox", says Bakary Sambe, Director of the Timbuktu Institute. Observing that young people in the 90s who fought for democratization are today in the crowds welcoming as heroes the new players who come to power by force, he wonders "whether a democratic disenchantment cannot explain the fact that ex-freedom fighters today give a standing ovation to those who come to power undemocratically." In his book "Ill Winds", American political scientist Larry Diamond offers a diagnosis of what he sees as the unfavorable winds for democracy, including "American recklessness", "Russian anger" and "Chinese ambition". However, for the director of the Timbuktu Institute, a fourth parameter needs to be added: "the inconsistencies of Western powers, but also of local authorities, which have led democracy astray".

Among other things, he regrets that this misuse of democracy "has transformed elections, which were supposed to be moments of celebration and democratic festivity, into moments of anxiety and risk". As a result, in these tense moments marked by a competitive context, "a digital jungle is emerging, where those who master the technicalities can have the upper hand over those who live by the rules of ethics, and the manipulation of information is becoming a crucial issue where digital armies produce disinformation campaigns, even harassment of political figures", he adds. Between 2002 and 2014 in sub-Saharan Africa, he warns, "election periods caused more than 5,000 deaths. In other words, they are just as critical as new border or environmental threats." Faced with an unprecedented flow of information that makes discernment difficult and has led to "infobesity", the new informational cold war in the sub-region is amplifying the conspiracy theories that are now proliferating, all the more so as "it is certain States themselves that sometimes indulge in disinformation, and also, political socialization is also taking place via the Internet, with a leader's political status or popularity becoming a matter of the number of clicks and followers", he points out.

Disinformation and information warfare, the new Pandora's box?

For Abdourahamane Dicko, lecturer and researcher at the University of Zinder (Niger), "we have to start from the principle that the issue of disinformation must be analyzed in its multidimensional character. Insofar as, he believes, "the Nigerien state has failed by creating a collective fear around freedom of expression. Today, not only is political socialization based on ethnolinguistic affiliation, but some communities - in this case the Peul - are labelled as sympathizers of the jihadists". This situation, exacerbated by widespread misinformation," he warns, "is fertile ground for the proliferation of inter-community conflicts in the Sahel. Pointing out that it is important to contextualize the phenomenon of disinformation, the Nigerian, associate researcher at the Timbuktu Institute, proposes the term "coaching politics in a situation where disinformation is knowingly manufactured and disseminated, the state participates in its popularization."

Faced with this disruption of the information field, Beninese investigative journalist Ignace Sossou recommends observing "an ethic of use of social networks", which is both attentive to the opportunities and to the shortcomings of these platforms. According to him, in a context of "liberalization of the media space, with the proliferation of private media and influencers who are antechambers of disinformation, the journalist's duty is to systematically go further in his or her approach." In other words, armed with ethics and deontology, the journalist must be able to separate the wheat from the chaff of the networks, while maintaining a reflex: that of fact-checking. "It should no longer be seen as a tool reserved for the media world, but should be taught to everyone, especially young people, so as to cultivate their critical faculties", recommends the fact-checking trainer.

Given that misinformation is a sprawling challenge, Tidiani Togola, Civic-Tech specialist in Mali, believes that "a strategy built around media education and digital literacy" is needed. This strategy should be part of a "holistic approach that takes into account researchers, governments, civil society and users, with the aim of engaging platforms to better identify local contexts". In his view, given that the Sahel is "plagued by social tensions and the industrialization of disinformation", it would be wise for platforms to "engage in local partnerships, to support initiatives to combat and research disinformation, not only by promoting fact-checking in school curricula, but also through awareness-raising campaigns in local languages". All this could make a lasting contribution to cleaning up the social networking environment in the Sahel.

Media literacy: a compass for greater stability?

"Media and information literacy is both a supply and a demand," says Yacine Diagne, a teacher-researcher at CESTI. Unfortunately, however, "the overcrowded school system doesn't lend itself to it, especially as education in Africa is overwhelmed and teachers can't keep up with the demands placed on them." Because worse than misinformation, she observes an "information disorder insidiously mixing misinformation-malinformation-misinformation where we can't expect public authorities, who repress, to promote media education." To achieve this, the media specialist suggests "African-style education, via local communities, at grassroots level".

Bakary Sambe agrees, reminding us that "education is a weapon for the massive construction of citizenship." He continues: "The democratization of access to and dissemination of information requires a new type of education. Today, everyone is both a sender and a consumer of information. That's why we need to return to more democratic ethics in the use of the media, without forgetting the role of governments, because it's sometimes the absence of democracy that fertilizes the breeding ground for disinformation.

According to Valdez Onanina, editor-in-chief of Africa Check, "fact-checking is actually consubstantial with the work of journalism. The fact is, if there's so much talk about it nowadays, it's because journalistic work is poorly done." To a participant who feels that social networks have become "public dumps", he finds that such an attitude of mind could be counterproductive thinking. "We have to accept the fact that social networks occupy a considerable amount of public space. It would be playing against ourselves to distance ourselves from them, since we're already behind the times when it comes to digitalization. What's more, disinformation now serves both ideological and economic purposes, as we've seen with Story Killers", he explains.

Meta's commitment to combating misinformation in the Sahel

Meta's Public Policy Manager for French-speaking Africa, Olivia Tchamba, reiterated their approach to combating misinformation, insisting on the existence of community standards for the use of platforms at Meta to better demonstrate the authenticity of content. False viral information likely to cause physical or other damage is therefore not authorized by the platform.

So, in a more inclusive approach and with the aim of striking the right balance between the issue of freedom of expression and the ability to give users the freedom to create communities and exchange on what interests them, Meta is partnering with a category of players who have the ability to verify content. These include collaboration with journalists through the "NoFalseNewsZone" fact-checking incubation and mentoring program, running in five countries: Côte d'Ivoire, Cameroon, Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger, which aims to support local media in the fight against misinformation, but also, in a more holistic approach, Digital Literacy to help users understand how to take advantage of all the benefits that digital offers.

In general, Olivia Tchamba recalled that Meta had set up a number of programs in Senegal, Côte d'Ivoire and other Sahelian countries, notably the digital literacy caravan through the "Mon univers digital" program, which aims to help users gain a better understanding of how to search for and critically analyze information, for a more judicious and responsible use of the platform. In addition, Meta has launched "an awareness campaign on social networks and radio, on disinformation and the fight against online hate speech, in the context of the presidential election. The main objective is to show the merits and interest of young people's participation in the electoral process", Olivia Tchamba hopes.

Source: Timbuktu Institute - March 2024

In an interview with the national daily "Le Soleil", Bakary Sambe, Regional Director of the Timbuktu Institute- African Center for Peace Studies, maintains that the choice of Mauritania for President Bassirou Diomaye Faye's first official visit is "logical and diplomatically relevant." 

President Bassirou Diomaye Diakhar Faye made his first international visit to Mauritania on Thursday April 18. How do you explain the choice of this neighboring country for his first official visit as Head of State ?

The choice of Mauritania for President Bassirou Diomaye Faye's first international outing speaks for itself, as it is both logical and diplomatically relevant. You know, when it comes to Senegal-Mauritania relations, some diplomats often speak of a single people in two sister states. These relations, which are first and foremost human, are rooted in a deep shared history that predates the international existence of the two countries. It has been historically established that the Trarza and Guidimakha regions, among others, have formed a socio-cultural and human continuum that has given rise to an infinite number of interminglings and interactions, explaining better than any other factor the enduring nature of relations between Senegal and Mauritania. Diplomatic relations have steadily strengthened, and have been further intensified by recent hydrocarbon discoveries, which have in fact established another community of destiny in addition to historical relations, in a complex geopolitical context and a reconfiguration of international relations and relationships. Mauritania's current presidency of the African Union, following on from that of the Comoros and Senegal, should be part of the same effort to better assert Africa's changing status, in an unprecedented context where the geopolitical shift of our continent towards any bloc could have a lasting impact on the international balance of power. The arrival at the head of Senegal of a President belonging to a new generation aware of the need for better pan-African positioning, coinciding with Mauritania's presidency of the African Union, should help reaffirm this need for synergy in the defense of the continent's economic and geostrategic interests. President Ghazouani, who was among the heads of state present at Bassirou Diomaye Faye's investiture, is well aware of the historic need for a pan-African shift that does not exclude openness to the world, but is deeply rooted in the defense of the continent's interests. 

What are the security, political and economic implications of this visit ?

Clearly, the strategic nature of such a visit cannot be overlooked in a Sahelian and West African context undergoing profound change, and facing the greatest security challenges with the terrorist threat no longer recognizing borders. There is also the reconfiguration of alliances at sub-regional level, and the new role that is taking shape for Senegal to reinforce while consolidating and, where necessary, evolving sub-regional and African integration. Security cooperation between the two countries, which has even become decentralized with the involvement of territorial and local administrations, will need to be strengthened, as a form of common security is now essential to both countries. The strategy of insistence and harassment on the part of terrorist groups in the absence of any real logistical anchorage on the territory, the sporadic minor attacks from the Wagadou Forest through the neighboring Kayes region, as well as infiltration attempts from the Melga area - commune of Djelegou, Cercle de Kayes - on the Guidimakha continuum linking Mauritania, Senegal and Mali and leading towards Sélibabi and Bakel are sufficient signals for the reinforcement or even intensification of security cooperation. In this respect, the two countries are called upon to exchange best practices with Mauritania's experience in counter-terrorism, as well as Senegal's experience in prevention, which has so far been effective, and in building resilience through a mixed approach integrating human security dimensions by opening up infrastructure and securing exposed regions, as well as the full involvement of local communities. In addition to their socio-cultural proximity, the two countries have everything to gain from a strengthened synergy based on their relevant levers and, above all, the pooling of their capacities.

What levers should the two Heads of State use to further consolidate their bilateral relations ?

The two Heads of State appear to have discussed at length the joint project for the Grand Tortue Ahmeyim (GTA) natural gas field on their maritime border, developed by the UK's BP with the American Kosmos Energy, the Société mauritanienne des hydrocarbures (SMH) and Senegal's state-owned Petrosen. This structuring economic cooperation project alone perfectly illustrates the hyper-strategic nature of the relationship between the two countries. This visit was a fundamental issue and a relevant choice in the current context, but the cooperation deserves to be deepened and pursued with a greater constant forward-looking approach. The calming strategy adopted in the joint management of the Grande Tortue Ahmeyim block has been the least confrontational, in keeping with the nature of our relations and a guarantee of stability, enabling the two countries concerned to exploit the resource serenely and sustainably. Our country seems to be well prepared, with all the mechanisms put in place with this in mind. For this reason, Senegal could adopt a dual strategy of co-efficiency and enhanced cooperation with Mauritania in the context of capacity sharing, in particular by supporting the training of Mauritanian executives and managers of the gas resource vital to both our countries, using the opportunities offered by the Institut National du Pétrole et du Gaz (INPG). It would even be possible to consider facilitating access to the INPG for private Mauritanians in all their diversity, as well as for public sector executives from this friendly country. What's more, this scientific cooperation is underpinned by a long tradition of university exchanges, perpetuated by generations of senior Mauritanian executives who have been trained in Senegal, including some of today's political and economic leaders.

President Bassirou Diomaye Faye's visit to the Gambia, just after his visit to Mauritania, is part of a two-pronged approach. On the one hand, to ensure national security; and on the other, to reaffirm the desire of the new Senegalese authorities to strengthen the Banjul-Dakar axis. These are the quintessential words of Bakary Sambe, Regional Director of the Timbuktu Institute, in an interview with the Senegalese national daily newspaper Le Soleil.

What is at stake in the President's visit to Gambia?

The stakes of this visit to Gambia are clear. First of all, the new authorities have reaffirmed the intangibility of the nature and content of this crucial relationship, both for national security and for the co-development that has always characterized the Banjul-Dakar axis. So, while meeting Gambia's expectations of continuity, the atmosphere and the speeches that marked this visit seem to reflect this specificity and, above all, to recall the constants. In a discursive analysis, when the Senegalese president, in his address, insists on a personal "fraternity" that goes beyond institutional and diplomatic relations, it is not only to consciously "break" the codes and rigors of protocol as can be seen in his new style, it is above all for President Faye to reaffirm the natural, continuous and irreversible character of a relationship that will always defy time and, with it, passing regimes. But all in all, this visit, which gave diplomatic pledges and seems to be part of a dynamic to consolidate gains, was an opportunity to make decisive contacts, but also heralded fine prospects for cooperation.

What areas do the two heads of state need to work on in order to bring their cooperation to fruition?

As part of a ground-breaking field study in Gambia, soon to be published, the Timbuktu Institute, in synergy with Gambian researchers, was able to document the interest of both countries in strengthening their security cooperation, particularly in the context of prevention and the development of a real partnership policy to tackle cross-border challenges in the current sub-regional context. Although still in need of consolidation, the foundations of the relationship between The Gambia and Senegal have been firmly in place since independence. This was already the case from a political and diplomatic point of view, but the opportunities seem to be multiplying, with road infrastructures further facilitating economic exchanges through human mobility thanks to the bridge, and backed up by multiple and varied agreements. With the security environment vastly improved compared to ten years ago, with the stabilization of the conflict in Casamance, immense economic opportunities are opening up that will benefit both our territorial continuity and the growth of the Gambian economy, which is closely linked to its trade with Senegal. This is as true for the revival of the maritime economy as it is for agriculture and investment.

Moreover, on the occasion of the forthcoming summit of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation to be held in the sister Republic of the Gambia, Senegalese-Gambian players are co-organizing an investment forum, which further reflects the embedded nature of the relationship at the very level of our respective populations. The political authorities should seize this opportunity offered by the private sector for economic diplomacy. In any case, the official invitation to this crucial Summit reiterated by President Adama Barrow, and already accepted by President Bassirou Diomaye Faye during this visit, shows, among other diplomatic acts, that there is a deep awareness of common challenges, and a jointly renewed determination to make the Banjul-Dakar axis a living model of regional cooperation and integration.

Does the fact that he is making his first visit to Mauritania and his second to Gambia, two African countries, mean that the new president is determined to break with Françafrique?

President Bassirou Diomaye Faye's words are unambiguous: "We are fortunate to have come to power with a pan-African project that strengthens solidarity and politics between African countries. This renewed and strengthened solidarity has enabled the Senegalese people to put their trust in us and entrust us with the reins of power". But Senegal's diplomatic tradition has always emphasized good neighborliness and efforts to achieve African integration and unity. Indeed, the title of the new Ministry of African Integration and Foreign Affairs could not be more eloquent in illustrating this reinforced choice by the new authorities. It's a roadmap in itself. So it's easy to see where our priorities lie. The choice of Mauritania is just as logical as that of Gambia, at the heart of our strategic depth and with which we have one of the longest borders, not to mention the level of cultural and linguistic cross-fertilization that adds to this country's vital importance for a definitive solution to the crisis in Casamance. Our respective governments are aware of the dimension that has always guided this cooperation. Moreover, in keeping with diplomatic tradition, the final communiqué agreed that the Heads of State would consult each other regularly on matters of mutual interest, and even agreed to hold the next session of the Senegalese-Gambian Presidential Council in Dakar, in the Republic of Senegal, "on dates to be set at a later date"

Dr Bakary Sambe

Le sens de la visite du président Bassirou Diomaye Faye en Gambie, juste après celle en Mauritanie s’inscrit dans une démarche à deux axes principaux. D’une part, assurer la sécurité nationale ; et réaffirmer le désir des nouvelles autorités sénégalaises de renforcer l’axe Banjul-Dakar, d’autre part. Telle est la quintessence des propos de Bakary Sambe, directeur régional du Timbuktu Institute, dans une interview donnée au quotidien « Le Soleil. »

Quels sont les enjeux de la visite du Président en Gambie ?

Les enjeux de cette visite en Gambie sont clairs. Il y a d’abord la réaffirmation sans ambages de la part des nouvelles autorités de l’intangibilité de la nature et de la teneur de cette relation cruciale aussi bien pour la sécurité nationale que pour le co-développement qui ont toujours structuré et caractérisé l’axe Banjul-Dakar. Aussi, bien que répondant aux attentes de la Gambie sur la continuité, l’ambiance et les discours qui ont marqué cette visite semblent refléter cette spécificité et surtout rappeler les constantes. Dans une démarche d’analyse discursive, lorsque le président sénégalais, dans son adresse, insiste sur une « fraternité » personnelle au-delà des rapports institutionnels et diplomatiques, ce n’est pas seulement pour « casser » consciemment les codes et les rigueurs du protocole comme cela se voit dans son nouveau style, c’est surtout pour, pour le Président Faye, de réaffirmer le caractère naturel, continu et irréversible d’une relation qui défiera toujours le temps et, avec lui, les régimes passants. Mais dans l’ensemble, cette visite qui a donné des gages au niveau diplomatique et semble s’inscrire dans une dynamique de consolidation des acquis a été l’opportunité d’une prise contact déterminante mais annonçant, aussi, de belles perspectives de coopération.

Quels sont les secteurs sur lesquels les deux chefs d’Etat doivent travailler pour fructifier leur coopération ?

Dans le cadre d’une recherche inédite de terrain en Gambie bientôt publiée, le Timbuktu Institute a pu, en synergie avec des chercheurs gambiens, documenter l’intérêt pour les deux pays à renforcer leur coopération sécuritaire surtout dans le cadre de la prévention et de la mise en perspective d’une réelle politique de partenariat pour faire face aux défis transfrontaliers dans le contexte sous-régional actuel. Bien que devant toujours être consolidées, les bases de la relation entre la Gambie et le Sénégal sont durablement posées depuis l’accession à l’indépendance. Elles l’étaient déjà au point de vue politique et diplomatique mais les opportunités semblent se multiplier avec les infrastructures routières facilitant davantage les échanges économiques par la mobilité humaine à la faveur du pont et s’adossant sur des accords multiples et variés. L’environnement sécuritaire s’étant largement amélioré comparée d’avec la situation d’il y a dix ans avec la stabilisation du conflit en Casamance, d’immenses champs de possibilités s’ouvrent au niveau économique qui profiteront aussi bien à notre continuité territoriale qu’à l’essor d’une économie gambienne grandement liée à ses échanges avec le Sénégal. Cela est aussi bien valable pour la relance de l’économie maritime que pour l’agriculture et les investissements. D’ailleurs, à l’occasion du prochain sommet de l’Organisation de la Coopération Islamique qui se tiendra en République sœur de Gambie, des acteurs sénégalo-gambiens co-organisent un forum sur l’investissement ; ce qui traduit davantage le caractère incorporé de la nature des relations au niveau même de nos populations respectives. Les autorités politiques devraient, d’ailleurs, saisir cette chance qu’offre le secteur privé à la diplomatie économique. De toute manière, l’invitation officielle à ce Sommet crucial réitérée par le Président Adama Barrow déjà acceptée, lors de cette visite, par le Président Bassirou Diomaye Faye montre, entre autres actes diplomatiques posés, qu’il y a une profonde conscience des défis communs et une volonté conjointement renouvelée de faire de l’axe Banjul-Dakar un modèle vivant de coopération et d’intégration régionale.

Le fait d’effectuer sa première visite en Mauritanie et la deuxième en Gambie, deux pays africains, signifie-t-il pour le nouveau président, une volonté de rompre avec la Françafrique ?

Les propos du président Bassirou Diomaye Faye sont sans aucune ambiguïté quand il rappelle : « Nous avons la chance d’accéder au pouvoir avec un projet panafricain qui renforce la solidarité et la politique entre les pays africains. Cette solidarité renouvelée et renforcée ont permis au sénégalais de nous faire confiance pour nous confier les rênes du pouvoir ». Mais, tout de même, la tradition diplomatique du Sénégal a toujours insisté sur le bon voisinage et le les efforts de réalisation de l’intégration et de l’Unité africaine. D’ailleurs l’intitulé du nouveau Ministère de l’intégration africaine et des Affaires étrangères est on ne peut plus éloquent pour illustrer ce choix renforcé par les nouvelles autorités. C’est une feuille de route en soi. De ce fait, on voit bien où se situent les priorités. Le choix de la Mauritanie est aussi logique que celui porté sur la Gambie au cœur de notre profondeur stratégique et avec lequel nous avons l’une des plus longues frontières sans compter le niveau de brassage culturel, linguistique qui se greffe à l’importance capitale de ce pays pour une sortie définitive de crise en Casamance. Nos gouvernements respectifs sont conscients de la dimension qui a toujours guidé cette coopération. D’ailleurs, il a été convenu, dans le communiqué final, conformément à la tradition diplomatique, que les chefs d’États de se consultent régulièrement sur les questions d’intérêt mutuel et même de tenir la prochaine session du Conseil Présidentiel Sénégalo-Gambien à Dakar, en République du Sénégal, « à des dates qui seront fixées ultérieurement ». 

 Dr. Bakary SAMBE

Dans un entretien accordé au quotidien national « Le Soleil », Bakary Sambe, directeur régional du Timbuktu Institute- African Center for Peace Studies, soutient que le choix porté sur la Mauritanie pour la première visite officielle du président Bassirou Diomaye Faye est « logique et diplomatiquement pertinent. »

Le Président de la République, Bassirou Diomaye Diakhar Faye a effectué sa première visite à l’internationale en Mauritanie le jeudi 18 avril dernier. Comment expliquez-vous ce choix porté sur ce pays voisin pour sa première visite officielle en tant que Chef de l’Etat ?

Le choix de la Mauritanie pour une première sortie à l’international du Président Bassirou Diomaye Faye peut se passer de toute explication car logique et diplomatiquement pertinent. Vous savez, s’agissant des relations sénégalo-mauritaniennes, certains diplomates parlent souvent d’un même peuple dans deux États frères. Ces relations qui sont, tout d’abord, humaines plongent leurs racines dans l’histoire profonde commune avant même l’existence internationale des deux pays. Il est historiquement établi que le Trarza, mais aussi, le Guidimakha, entre autres, ont constitué un continuum socioculturel et humain à l’origine de brassages et d’infinies interactions expliquant mieux que tout autre facteur, la nature durable des rapports entre le Sénégal et la Mauritanie. Les relations diplomatiques se sont sans cesse renforcées et ont connu un regain d’intensification avec les récentes découvertes d’hydrocarbures qui instaurent de fait une autre communauté de destin en plus des rapports historiques dans un contexte géopolitique complexe et une reconfiguration des relations et des rapports internationaux. L’actuelle présidence mauritanienne de l’Union africaine faisant suite à celle des Comores après celle du Sénégal devra, d’ailleurs, s’inscrire dans cette même lignée d’une meilleure affirmation de la place d’une Afrique changeant de statut dans un contexte inédit où le basculement géopolitique de notre continent vers quelque bloc que ce soit pourrait durablement impacter les rapports de force au niveau international. L’arrivée à la tête du Sénégal d’un Président appartenant à une nouvelle génération consciente de la nécessité d’un meilleur positionnement panafricain coïncidant avec la présidence mauritanienne de l’Union africaine, devrait aider à réaffirmer ce besoin de synergie dans la défense des intérêts économiques et géostratégiques du continent. Le Président Ghazouani qui était d’ailleurs parmi les chefs d’États présents lors de l’investiture de Bassirou Diomaye Faye n’est pas sans une grande conscience de cette nécessité historique d’un shift panafricain n'excluant pas l’ouverture au monde mais profondément enraciné dans la défense des intérêts du continent.

Quels sont les enjeux, sécuritaires, politiques et économiques de cette visite ?

Il est clair qu’on ne peut occulter le caractère stratégique d’une telle visite dans un contexte sahélien et ouest-africain en profonde mutation et faisant face aux plus grands défis sécuritaires avec la menace terroriste qui ne connaît plus de frontières. Il y a, aussi, la reconfiguration des alliances au niveau sous-régionale et le nouveau rôle qui se dessine pour le Sénégal de renforcer tout en consolidant et, au besoin, faisant évoluer l’intégration sous-régionale et africaine. La coopération sécuritaire entre les deux pays qui s’est même décentralisée avec l’implication des administrations territoriales et locales devra être renforcée parce qu’il y va d’une forme de sécurité commune qui s’impose désormais aux deux pays. La stratégie d’insistance et de harcèlement de la part des groupes terroristes par défaut de possibilité d’ancrage logistique réel sur le territoire, les attaques mineures sporadiques depuis la Forêt de Wagadou à travers la région voisine de Kayes de même que les tentatives d’infiltration depuis la zone de Melga - commune de Djelegou, Cercle de Kayes- sur le continuum du Guidimakha liant la Mauritanie, le Sénégal et le Mali et menant vers Sélibabi et Bakel sont des signaux assez suffisants pour le renforcement voire l’intensification de la coopération sécuritaire. Sur ce plan les deux pays sont appelés à échanger leurs bonnes pratiques avec l’expérience mauritanienne en matière de contre-terrorisme mais aussi celle sénégalaise dans la prévention jusqu’ici efficace et le renforcement de la résilience à travers une approche mixte intégrant les dimensions sécurité humaine par le désenclavement infrastructurel et la sécurisation des régions exposées de même que la pleine implication des communautés locales. En plus de la proximité socioculturelle, les deux pays ont tout à gagner dans une synergie renforcée en s’appuyant sur leurs leviers pertinents et surtout la mutualisation de leurs capacités.

Quels sont les leviers sur lesquels les deux chefs d’Etat doivent s’appuyer pour consolider davantage leurs relations bilatérales ?

Les deux chefs d'État semblent avoir longuement discuté du projet commun sur le gisement de gaz naturel Grand Tortue Ahmeyim (GTA), à leur frontière maritime, développé par le Britannique BP avec l'Américain Kosmos Energy, la Société mauritanienne des hydrocarbures (SMH) et la société publique sénégalaise Petrosen. Rien que ce projet structurant de coopération économique illustre parfaitement la nature hyper-stratégque de la relation entre les deux pays. Cette visite a été d’un enjeu fondamental et un choix pertinent dans le contexte actuel mais la coopération mériterait d’être creusée et poursuivie avec une plus grande approche prospective constante. La stratégie apaisante adoptée dans la gestion commune du bloc Grande Tortue Ahmeyim, a été la moins conflictuelle, conforme à la nature de nos relations et garante de stabilité permettant, ainsi, une exploitation sereine et durable de la ressource par les deux pays concernés. Notre pays semble bien s’être bien préparé avec tous les dispositifs mis en place dans cette perspective. C’est pourquoi, le Sénégal pourrait s’inscrire dans une double stratégie de co-efficacité et de coopération renforcée avec la Mauritanie dans le cadre de la mutualisation des capacités notamment en appuyant la formation des cadres et gestionnaires mauritaniens de la ressource gazière vitale pour nos deux pays avec les possibilités qu’offre l’Institut National du Pétrole et du Gaz (INPG). Il serait même possible d’envisager une facilitation d’accès à l’INPG aux privés mauritaniens dans leur diversité comme aux cadres du secteur public de ce pays ami. Il y a, en plus, un véritable socle à cette coopération scientifique avec une longue tradition d’échanges universitaires perpétuée par des générations de hauts cadres mauritaniens qui ont été formés au Sénégal y compris parmi le leadership politique et économique actuel.

Many countries in the sub-region watched Senegal's tumultuous electoral process with concern and attention. Historically renowned for its democratic tradition, the country seemed, to some, to have staggered before arriving at a reassuring outcome: the first-round victory of Bassirou Diomaye Faye, quickly recognized by the ruling party. This triumph was widely welcomed as a sign of democratic hope, in a regional context where authoritarian winds had been blowing for some time. It was against this backdrop that the Timbuktu Institute organized an online seminar on April 17, on the theme: "Regional echoes of political change: towards a re-enchantment of democracy?" with a panel comprising : Mouhyddine Ouedraogo, jurist and human rights defender (Burkina Faso); Nodjiwameem Dioumdanem, multimedia journalist and jurist (Chad); Narcisse Nganchop, politician and president of PACTEF; Fousseini Diop, head of governance and climate commitment programs at AJCAD (Mali), and Mougue Bibi Pacôme, jurist (Togo).

Hope - this is clearly the main sentiment to emerge in the consciences of young people from several countries in the region, following the Senegalese electoral process, which saw the victory of President Bassirou Diomaye Faye. "The events leading up to this recent election symbolize the perseverance and resilience of young people. It gives us hope that a new political world is possible", enthuses Nodjiwameem Dioumdanem, a Chadian lawyer and activist. Burkinabe lawyer and human rights activist Mouhyddine Ouédraogo agrees. "The Senegalese presidential election was closely followed by young people in Burkina Faso and the Sahel. It was the hope of African democracy that was at stake in Senegal", he notes. Fousseini Diop, who hails from Mali, a country ruled by a military regime since May 2021, also admires the Senegalese electoral process. "For young people in Mali, it was a ray of hope. Senegal has given us a lesson in democracy, in the sense that even when institutions are on shaky ground, it's always possible to safeguard democracy," says the head of governance and climate commitment programs at the Malian association AJCAD (Association des Jeunes pour la Citoyenneté Active et la Démocratie). 

"Togolese youth were keen to follow the process, which was widely covered by the domestic media. And Senegal was an eloquent example of how African peoples also aspire to democracy", notes Mougue Bibi Pacôme, a Togolese jurist. Long before Diomaye Faye came to power, the ideas of the party (ex-Pastef) had already begun to inspire beyond Senegal's borders. Last March in Cameroon, for example, the Pactef (Patriotes Africains du Cameroun pour le travail, l'éthique et la fraternité - African Patriots of Cameroon for Work, Ethics and Fraternity), inspired by the Senegalese model and proudly assumed by its founder, Narcisse Nganchop, was created. "Electing a president by force of the ballot box is a message of hope. It makes us realize that anything is possible. Bassirou Diomaye Faye's victory is that of the sovereign Senegalese people. His election has awakened a dormant flame in the youth of Senegal," asserts the politician who has been in exile for the past seven years.

"If the Senegalese have done it, why can't we?"

For Bakary Sambe, Regional Director of the Timbuktu Institute and moderator of the discussions, the fear was palpable. "With authoritarianism so much in vogue, we wondered whether Senegal would go over to the wrong side. But in the end, Diomaye Faye's victory was an electroshock to the pressing democratic demands of civil society and youth", he observes. For her part, Chadian jurist Nodjiwameem Dioumdanem praises the dedication of Senegal's social corps. "The vitality of Senegalese civil society was decisive. The way activists, journalists and feminists got involved was admirable. Quite a few young Chadians expressed their feelings, which may even have boosted the opponent Succès Masra. We often hear that democracy is complicated to implement in Africa. If they've done it, why can't we? As a reminder, Chad, which is currently moving towards a presidential election, has been ruled with an authoritarian hand since April 2021, by a military council headed by Mahamat Idriss Déby, son of the late Idriss Déby Itno.

"The Senegalese Constitutional Council not only annulled the postponement announced by Macky Sall, but also reiterated the framework within which the elections should be held. This is truly admirable, and shows that when institutions play their part, democracy holds. What's more, the fact that the ruling party recognized the provisional results of the ballot boxes only a few hours after the announcement of the first trends is a strong signal. They could have forced the issue, as is the case in some African countries, but they didn't," asserts Togolese jurist Mougue Bibi Pacôme. He continues: "In Togo, for example, they are in the process of revising the Constitution without consulting the people or holding a referendum.

The Senegalese case thus seems to bring optimism back to controversies about the compatibility of democracy with African contexts, says Malian Fousseini Diop. "Some people confuse democracy with bad governance. The events on Capitol Hill in January 2021 in the United States show that democracy cannot be perfect either. What's more, the Senegalese army didn't intervene like other countries. So, it's possible," says AJCAD Mali. For his part, Burkina Faso analyst Mouhyddine Ouédraogo acknowledges that "even if we can't dismiss the legitimacy of challenges to the notion of democracy, Senegal is proof that when a people is educated in democratic values, the results are there. It's possible to implement a program of change while remaining within a democratic framework.

After hope, big expectations and huge challenges

It would be an understatement to say that the immense hopes raised by the new government are proportional to the magnitude of the expectations it now faces. The renegotiation of the fisheries and oil and gas agreements, the cost of living, youth unemployment, Senegal's future in the ECOWAS zone, corruption, the strengthening of social cohesion... so many challenges that give an idea of the colossal task ahead. For his part, Fousseini Diop from Mali believes that attention should be paid to state management of power. "We have young people who are more and more outspoken and who don't hesitate to look things in the face, as shown by the debates on the fisheries agreements. What's more, the duo at the head of the Senegalese state is an interesting configuration, compared with our countries where parties are often represented by a single figure. However, the cohabitation of Sonko and Diomaye at the pinnacle of power will be decisive, and the Senegalese will have to be patient", he points out. 

For Burkina Faso's Mouhyddine Ouédraogo, the new Senegalese government has a certain historical responsibility. "It is up to the Senegalese authorities to be sufficiently lucid and modest in the hopes and promises they make, because when so much hope is pinned on them and they fail, this creates frustration and can put democracy on trial, with the risk of some giving in to the siren calls of authoritarianism", warns the human rights activist. For her part, Chadian journalist Nodjiwameem Dioumdanem hopes for a constant strengthening of democracy: "Democracy is not only built during elections. It must be constantly present in active and public life, so that we can continue to dream of this African democracy, promoting democratic values. What's more, leaders have a heavy task to perform with regard to young people. They can count on them.

As for Mougue Bibi Pacôme, he sees it as a good omen that the new authorities have raised the issue of the FCFA. It's a good thing," he says, "and shows that the new authorities are willing to rethink their relations with international partners, and more generally with the West. The founder of Cameroon's Pactef party, Narcisse Nganchop, more or less agrees. "Our brothers in Senegal have no complexes. The people of Africa must follow this path, with leaders who are voted for by the nation. It's up to our nations to demand respect," he maintains.

According to Ousmane Abdoulaye Barro, a member of Ousmane Sonko's cabinet, the new authorities are calm on the subject. "There won't be any problems with donors. The type of partnerships we've had until now are outdated, and international partners are well aware of this. We are aware of the constraints of state administration, but we just want a win-win partnership with the West, while renegotiating our social, political, economic and cultural relations," he reassures us. In his view, the way in which the political class and the people were able to find a way out of the crisis was proof of "the Senegalese baraka". Recalling the idea that "nothing is more powerful than an idea whose time has come", Bakary Sambe also advocates understanding democracy as "a matter of process and construction."

Fatou Thiam, a lawyer, academic and member of Senegalese civil society, is nonetheless concerned about the negligible number of women in Ousmane Sonko's government: "The government should rethink women's representation in decision-making bodies and their involvement in the redistribution of wealth. If we're talking about a break with the past, this should be observable at every level", she warns. While congratulating Senegal on this "democratic breakthrough", Oumarou Sana, a guest speaker from Burkina Faso, insists that African countries, and Senegal in particular, "need to think about a democracy based on the socio-cultural realities specific to each society".

By Kensio Akpo, Timbuktu Institute